Culture Focus

Ⅵ. Dining Scene during the Era of Condensed Growth

1. Condensed Growth and the Establishment of a Modern Food Industry
within a brief period of time. The United Kingdom achieved a doubling of its national income per capita in 58 years from 1780 to 1838. In comparison, the United States accomplished the same feat in 47 years from 1839 to 1886, Japan in 34 years from 1885 to 1919, and South Korea in an impressive 11 years from 1966 to 1977. South Korea demonstrated a remarkable acceleration in its national income. Over the same period, South Korea’s real per capita income surged from 1.82 million won in 1966 to 4.45 million won in 1977. Although experiencing a slight dip in 1980, the trend continued upward, reaching 13.75 million won in 1992. Since 1965, the South Korean economy has consistently expanded at an annual rate of approximately 10%.

In the early 1980s, the Korean economy experienced an upward surge, attributed to the so-called “Three Lows”: low oil prices, the depreciation of the U.S. dollar, and low international interest rates between 1986 and 1988. The reduced interest rates made it more economical to borrow foreign funds for investment in production, and the weakened value of the U.S. dollar enhanced the profitability of exporting products compared to importing raw materials. Additionally, the availability of inexpensive oil proved advantageous for the South Korean economy, heavily reliant on oil for a significant portion of its energy needs.

The GNP (gross national product) per capita surpassed 10,000 dollars in 1983 and reached 20,000 dollars in 1989, marking one of the most significant economic booms in South Korea’s history during the 1980s. The surge in national income fueled a heightened appetite for food consumption, leading to a simultaneous increase in the production of processed foods. For instance, South Korea’s sausage production soared from 2,819 tons in 1975 to 29,272 tons in 1982. Lactic-acid fermented milk production witnessed a remarkable 21.6-fold increase, rising from 9,111 tons in 1975 to 196,567 tons in 1982. Similarly, soybean oil production experienced a 13.6-fold surge, climbing from 6,303 kiloliters in 1975 to 85,487 kiloliters in 1982. These indicators vividly illustrate the phenomenal growth of the food industry between 1975 and 1982.

The average monthly food expenditure of the Korean population surged significantly during the period of condensed growth. In 1975, the average monthly food expenditure for a household in Seoul was 28,960 won, and by 1982, it had skyrocketed to 106,938 won. Similarly, the average monthly spending on dining out surged from 623 won in 1975 to 6,243 won in 1982. While the mid to late 1970s saw primarily local eateries and bars, the dining-out industry experienced rapid growth since the 1980s.

In 1965, the food industry’s production value stood at 54.7 billion won. A decade later, in 1975, it experienced a remarkable surge, reaching 1.407 trillion won. Many of the food companies that continue to thrive today underwent a transformation into diversified food entities during the 1970s and 1980s. Throughout the 1980s, domestic food companies placed a strong emphasis on enhancing product quality through technological collaborations with international counterparts. Anticipating a shift in dietary trends towards the prominence of instant food during this period, food conglomerates proactively adopted foreign technologies, integrated state-of-the-art machinery, and established facilities and sales networks befitting diversified food enterprises. The condensed growth of the Korean economy meant, in other words, the condensed growth of the food industry.

Simultaneously, the penetration of the American fast-food industry into Korea catalyzed the industrialization of the Korean food service sector. The inaugural fast-food establishment in Korea was the Lotteria store, an enterprise of Japan’s Lotte Group, which commenced operations on October 26, 1979, within the Lotte Hotel Arcade in Sogong-dong, Seoul. Subsequently, Dunkin Donuts inaugurated its presence in Seoul in 1983, followed by the openings of Burger King, KFC, and Wendy’s in 1984. The year 1985 witnessed the arrival of Pizza Hut, Pizza Inn, and Baskin Robbins in Seoul, while McDonald’s established its presence in the downtown areas of major cities across the country in 1988.

The entry of American fast-food corporations into South Korea was influenced both by foreign companies tapping into the affluence of South Korean consumers and the requirements of the Chun Doo-hwan military regime, which hosted the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Seoul Olympics. To project a modern image on the global stage during these major sporting events, the South Korean government welcomed American fast-food establishments, preventing local restaurants from being perceived as less developed. This influx of American fast-food outlets also facilitated the consumption of American culture by South Korean consumers.

U.S. fast food restaurants follow a franchisor-franchisee model, where franchisors own the technology, and franchisees acquire the rights to use and implement this technology. The success of this franchising approach influenced Korean food companies, resulting in the rapid expansion of franchised Korean restaurants. Inspired by American fast-food establishments, Korean restaurants adopted hygienic kitchens and dining areas and consumers readily embraced self-service and queuing, hallmarks of American fast-food culture, which brings a sense of modernity to the Korean dining experience.

2. Modernized Pig Farming and the Popularity of Grilled Pork Belly
Until the 1970s, farmers typically kept one or two pigs, primarily feeding them food scraps rather than specialized feed, resulting in pork with an undesirable fishy odor. Consequently, pork was not highly regarded, especially among the affluent. Nevertheless, with the surge in beef prices during the 1960s and 1970s, the government actively advocated for pork as a substitute to stabilize meat prices. Food scientists and chefs were mobilized to highlight the nutritional benefits and various cooking methods for pork.

However, altering Koreans’ preference for beef proved challenging. While Korean farmers exported pork to Hong Kong and Japan, they struggled to secure high prices due to the absence of professional quality control. To address this issue, the government incentivized large corporations to enter the livestock industry. In 1976, Samsung Group’s Cheiljedang established an enterprisetype pig farm in Yongin, Gyeonggi province (now the location of the Everland Resort). In 1980, Samsung Group’s Cheiljedang (now CJ) and Lotte Group’s Lotte Ham (now Lotte Foods) each built large-scale meat processing plants to produce and distribute ham products from the hindquarters of Korean pigs to the local market.

By the mid-1980s, South Korean pig farmers had significantly invested in capital and technology to enhance the quality of pork. This involved changing the pig breed to a more palatable one and introducing compound feed. The improvements were not only notable in meat products but also in pork exported to Japan. While tenderloin and sirloin were primarily exported to Japan, other cuts were distributed domestically. Notably, pork belly gained popularity among domestic consumers, especially for grilling.

The surge in popularity of grilled pork belly during the 1980s can be attributed to its cost-effectiveness compared to beef. Additionally, the introduction of Japanese portable gas burners and disposable butane gas to Korea in June 1980 played a crucial role. With the expanding economy, people had the means to enjoy outdoor activities more frequently with family and friends, and the trend of grilling pork belly on portable gas burners gained widespread acceptance. Eventually, it evolved into one of Korea’s beloved meat dishes, particularly after the 1990s.

Since the mid-1990s, restaurants have emerged offering fried rice with shredded pork belly, cabbage kimchi, and a selection of scallions, onions, or garlic, following a meal of grilled pork belly. The inception of grilled pork belly in the 1980s can be attributed to the modernization of the pig farming industry, the growing trend of dining out, the demand for animal protein, and the Korean people’s preference for the taste of grilled meat and bibimbap.

3. Budae Jjigae: from U.S. meat products to Korean Livestock Sausages
The consumption of factory-made foods surged during the 1970s, and by 1984, over 20 food companies had attained annual sales surpassing 100 billion dollars. Achieving such substantial sales figures necessitated diversification, making it impractical for companies to specialize in just one or two main products. The strategy involved expanding into a diversified food company to optimize sales. However, this led to intense market competition, with numerous large food companies presenting similar products. During that period, a Korean economic newspaper coined it the “food industry war.”

Amidst intense competition, a key battleground was the production of meat processing products, predominantly ham, bacon, and sausage, derived from livestock meat. The initiation of fullscale livestock sausage production took place in the completed factories of Lotte Ham and Cheiljedang in October and December of 1980, respectively. They were equipped with cuttingedge facilities and bio-clean packing rooms to prevent external contaminants. Additionally, Lotte Ham and Cheiljedang engaged in fierce competition for advertising on color television, which commenced on January 1, 1981.

In 1983, Cheiljedang(now CJ) held a 31% market share in sausages and other meat products, while Lotte Ham accounted for 26%. Seizing the opportunity, HaetaeHaitai Group entered the market, joined by Korea Cold Storage and Jinjuham expanding their operations. The mid-1980s witnessed a fierce competition, akin to a “food industry war, ” in the sausage and processed meat product market, as Korean palates increasingly embraced meat products. As the market expanded in the early 1990s, competition among companies intensified, coinciding with the rise in popularity of local restaurants offering Budae jjigae, a dish featuring ham, sausage, and instant noodles.

Budae jjigae, a savory stew incorporating ham, sausage, and various ingredients, derives its name from the source of its meat—American military units stationed in Korea, referred to as “budae.” The term “budae (部隊, military unit)” was incorporated into the dish’s name. While instant noodles have been included since the 1970s, the canned ham used has consistently originated from American military units. In the early 1990s, the surge in ham and sausage production in South Korea, coupled with the flourishing food service industry, propelled the dish beyond the vicinity of U.S. military bases and into widespread popularity across the country.

4. Gimbap and Seasoned Laver: The Korean Adaptation of Japanese Cuisine
Gimbap shares similarities with the Japanese dish Norimaki Sushi (海苔卷寿司). The recipe was introduced to Koreans during the late 19th century when a significant number of Japanese settlers lived in Seoul. The primary ingredient in gimbap, pickled yellow radish or danmuji, has its roots in the Japanese pickled vegetables known as tsukemono (漬物), specifically takuan-zuke (澤庵漬け). To maintain authenticity, it is essential to cut the pickled radish into long strips and incorporate them into the rolls.

In Joseon dynasty literature, laver was recorded as “haeui” or “haetae.” However, it wasn’t until the colonial period that laver became widely consumed. Modern laver production began when laver farmers from Hiroshima Prefecture came to the Korean Peninsula, recognizing the southwestern coast as the optimal location for seaweed cultivation. They improved cultivation and production methods. In 1922, trial cultivation of laver took place in Gangjin, South Jeolla province, and by 1925, it was established on the islands off the coast of the southwest sea. By the 1930s, it became increasingly accessible for people living in large cities in Korea to purchase laver.

After liberation, Korea did not formally reestablish diplomatic relations with Japan. However, similar to the colonial period, laver remained a crucial commodity exported to Japan. The Japanese government frequently imposed restrictions on imports from Korea to safeguard its own laver industry. In preparation for the formal establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in June 1964, the Japanese government, as a goodwill gesture, lifted import restrictions on several seafood products, including laver. Consequently, a significant portion of the laver produced in Korea was exported to Japan.

Since the 1970s, the domestic consumption of gimbap has risen in tandem with increased laver production. Gimbap became a quintessential component of elementary, middle, and high school picnics and outings. During the 1970s, with the surge in laver production, affluent Korean families would purchase laver in the winter, grill it over briquettes with salt and sesame oil, and use it to wrap rice. Following the 1988 Seoul Olympics, kimchi gimbap emerged. By the mid-1990s, specialized gimbap restaurants began appearing in the city center. Diverging from the typical snack stand offerings, these gimbap specialty stores introduced various types, including cheese gimbap, chili pepper gimbap, nude gimbap, and celery gimbap. Additionally, seasoned laver, once prepared at home, became a commercial product manufactured and sold by food companies.

Korean laver is a single layer, while Japanese laver consists of two layers, resulting in a thicker texture. China also produces laver, but as it follows Japanese methods, it doesn’'t rival Korean laver in terms of flavor and quality. Koreans typically enjoy seasoned laver as a side dish with rice, whereas people in the United States and Southeast Asia opt for snack laver or laver chips as a convenient snack.

5. Decline in Rice Consumption due to Meat-Centric Diets
There is a widely accepted argument suggesting that once the per capita GDP surpasses 500 dollars, meat consumption experiences a significant surge due to economic growth. The premise is that, at this economic threshold, a country witnesses an increase in meat consumption alongside a decline in hunger and infectious diseases. In 1974, South Korea’s gross domestic product per capita exceeded 500 dollars. By 1975, per capita daily meat intake stood at 25.4 grams, rising to 52.3 grams in 1987, 81.5 grams in 1994, and reaching 102.8 grams in 2000. The meatification of diets is typically associated with a decline in grain consumption, a trend observed in South Korea during the 1990s.

In the mid-1990s, a team of anthropologists from the United States and East Asia conducted a study on the expansion of fastfood restaurant chains in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. Their findings suggested that in American-style fast-food restaurants, East Asians were offered not only hygienic environments but also “examples of Western modernity through self-service and queuing, emblematic of democracy.” The franchising of Korean food in South Korea in the run-up to the 1988 Seoul Olympics also helped to improve the hygiene of local restaurant environments.

Nonetheless, the influence of Western modernity, with its emphasis on self-service, has strengthened the McDonaldization of traditional Korean restaurants. This trend prioritizes profit maximization while minimizing labor costs, contributing to the standardization of food flavors and the erosion of the distinctive character of local eateries. The prevalence of franchising is a significant factor behind the current homogeneity observed in the offerings of Korean restaurants.

Infokorea 2024
Infokorea is a magazine that introduces Korea to readers overseas, including teachers, textbook developers and other educators. The magazine offers the latest statistics on the Republic of Korea and articles that focus on Korean culture, society and history, which can be used as a reference source for textbook writers and editors and as materials for teachers to prepare for class. The theme of the 2024 issue was 'K-FoodEducation in Korea'.